Goodluck Ebele Azikiwe Jonathan
President of Nigeria
Incumbent
Assumed office
6 May 2010
Acting: 9 February 2010 – 6 May 2010
Vice President Namadi Sambo
Preceded by Umaru Yar'Adua
Vice President of Nigeria
In office
29 May 2007 – 6 May 2010
President Umaru Yar'Adua
Preceded by Atiku Abubakar
Succeeded by Namadi Sambo
Governor of Bayelsa
In office
9 December 2005 – 28 May 2007
Preceded by Diepreye Alamieyeseigha
Succeeded by Timipre Sylva
Born 20 November 1957 (1957-11-20) (age 52)
Ogbia, Nigeria
Political party People's Democratic Party
Spouse(s) Patience Faka Jonathan
Alma mater University of Port Harcourt
Profession Zoologist
Religion Christianity
Dr. Goodluck Ebele Azikiwe Jonathan (born 20 November 1957)[1] is a Nigerian politician and currently the President of Nigeria. He was Governor of Bayelsa State from 9 December 2005 to 28 May 2007, and was sworn in as Vice President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria on 29 May 2007. Jonathan is a member of the ruling People's Democratic Party (PDP). On 13 January 2010, a federal court handed him the power to carry out state affairs while President Umaru Yar'Adua received medical treatment in a Saudi Arabian hospital. A motion from the Nigerian Senate on 9 February 2010 confirmed these powers to act as President. On 24 February 2010 Yar'Adua returned to Nigeria, but Jonathan continued as acting president.[2] Upon Yar'Adua's death on 5 May 2010, Jonathan succeeded to the Presidency, taking the oath of office on 6 May 2010.
Contents
[hide]
* 1 Early life, education and personal life
* 2 Early political career
o 2.1 Bayelsa State governorship
o 2.2 Presidential race
o 2.3 Vice Presidency
o 2.4 Acting President
* 3 Presidency
o 3.1 World Cup controversy
* 4 References
[edit] Early life, education and personal life
Jonathan was born in Otueke in Ogbia Local Government Area of the then Eastern Region, later Rivers State, now Bayelsa State to a family of canoe makers.[1][3] He holds a Bachelor of Science (B.Sc.) degree in Zoology in which he attained Second Class Honours, Upper Division. He also holds an M.Sc. in Hydrobiology/Fisheries biology, and a Doctor of Philosophy (Ph.D.) in Zoology from the University of Port Harcourt. After obtaining his degree, he worked as an education inspector, lecturer, and environmental-protection officer, until he decided to enter politics in 1998.[4]
Jonathan is married to Patience Faka Jonathan and has two children.[5] Jonathan is a member of the Ijaw ethnic group.[6]
[edit] Early political career
[edit] Bayelsa State governorship
Jonathan began his career in politics in 1998, having joined the People's Democratic Party (PDP) in 1998.[3] Jonathan, previously the Deputy Governor of Bayelsa State, succeeded Governor Diepreye Alamieyeseigha, who was impeached by the Bayelsa State Assembly after being charged with money laundering in the United Kingdom. In September 2006, Jonathan's wife was indicted by the nation's anti-crime agency, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), for money laundering related offences.[7]
[edit] Presidential race
In December 2006, Jonathan was selected as running mate to Umaru Yar'Adua for the ruling PDP presidential ticket in the April 2007 election.[8] On 20 April 2007, shortly before the presidential election, a militant attack that was described by police as an assassination attempt against Jonathan occurred in Bayelsa State.[9]
[edit] Vice Presidency
Following the PDP's disputed electoral victory, militants blew up Jonathan's country house in Otu-Eke, Bayelsa State on 16 May; two policemen were killed in the attack. Jonathan was not present at the time.[10] After taking office, Yar'Adua publicly declared his assets, and on 8 August 2007, Jonathan also did so.[11][12] According to Jonathan, as of 30 May 2007 he had a total of 295,304,420 naira ($8,569,662.40) in assets.[12]
[edit] Acting President
Jonathan meets U.S. President Barack Obama at the Nuclear Security Summit in the US in April 2010
President Umaru Yar'Adua left Nigeria on 23 November 2009 for medical treatment. He did not provide for anyone to assume his duties. On 13 January 2010, a federal court handed Vice-President Jonathan the power to carry out state affairs in the president's continued absence. On 22 January 2010, the Supreme Court of Nigeria ruled that the Federal Executive Council(FEC)had 14 days to decide on a resolution about whether President Yar'Adua "is incapable of discharging the functions of his office". In a nationwide address in February 2010, Jonathan called on all Nigerians to set aside religious and ethnic differences to work together for the common good. Jonathan said "The events of the recent past have put to a test our collective resolve as a democratic nation," "I am delighted to know that our nation has demonstrated resilience and unity of purpose.[3]
On 9 February 2010, the Senate determined that presidential power should be transmitted to the Vice President. He was appointed to serve as Acting President, with all the accompanying powers, until when and if Yar'Adua returned to full health. The power transfer was called a "coup without the word" by opposition lawyers and lawmakers.[13] The Nigerian Constitution requires a written letter from the President stating he is unable to serve or that the cabinet sends a medical team to examine him but this provision has not apparently been fulfilled leaving some doubts as to the constitutionality of the action.[14]
[edit] Presidency
Yar'Adua died on 5 May 2010. Jonathan was sworn in as Yar'Adua's replacement on 6 May 2010,[15] becoming Nigeria's 14th Head of State. He will serve as President until the next election. Upon taking office, Jonathan cited anti-corruption, power and electoral reform as likely focuses of his administration.[16] He stated that he came to office under "very sad and unusual circumstances."[17]
On 18 May 2010, the National Assembly approved President Goodluck Jonathan's nomination of former Kaduna State governor, Namadi Sambo, an architect, for the position of Vice President.[18][19]
[edit] World Cup controversy
After the 2010 FIFA World Cup in South Africa, in which the Nigerian side failed to advance beyond group stage, Jonathan decreed a ban on international games for the football team. FIFA objected to the president's decision and threatened to evict Nigeria from the association. Subsequently Jonathan lifted the ban.[20]
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Tuesday, October 5, 2010
Liyel Imoke
Liyel Imoke (born 10 July 1961) was elected governor of Cross River State in Nigeria in April 2007, taking office on 29 May 2007. He is a member of the People's Democratic Party (PDP).[1]
Contents
[hide]
* 1 Background
* 2 Early political career
* 3 Minister of Power and Steel
* 4 Governor of Cross River State
* 5 References
[edit] Background
Liyel Imoke's family was from the Babumono tribe of Abi Local Government Area of Cross River State.[2] His father, Dr. Samuel Imoke was a medical doctor who became a cabinet minister and leader of Parliament in the former Eastern Region. Liyel Imoke was born on 10 July 1961 at Ibadan in the then Western Region of Nigeria.[1]
Liyel Imoke attended Mary Knoll College, Okuku, Ogoja and then the Federal Government College, Enugu (1973–1977) for his secondary education. He obtained a Bachelor’s degree in International Relations and Economics at the University of Maryland in the United States in 1982. He then studied Law at the University of Buckingham, England, gaining an LLB degree in 1985, and then studied at the American University in Washington, D.C. where he gained a Master degree in Law. He completed his legal education at the Nigeria Law School, Lagos, in 1988.[1] Liyel Imoke practiced law in Washington, D. C. and Lagos between 1982 and 1992. He was principal partner of Liyel Imoke and Co., Lagos.[3]
[edit] Early political career
In 1992, Liyel Imoke was elected a Senator of the Federal Republic of Nigeria at the age of 30 during the Ibrahim Babangida transition government. His term ended with the dissolution of the government in November 1993 by the military regime headed by General Sani Abacha[1]
Between 1993 and 1999, he was a Managing Consultant at Telsat Communications, Lagos; Executive Chairman of Value Mart Nigeria, Lagos, and Executive Director of Trident Petroleum and Gas, Lagos.[3]
In 1999, he was appointed a Special Adviser on Public Utilities by President Olusegun Obasanjo. He was Executive Chairman of the Special Board charged with winding down the Oil Minerals Producing Areas Development Commission.[1] He was Chairman of Technical Board of the National Electric Power Authority.[4]
[edit] Minister of Power and Steel
In July 2003, Liyel Imoke was appointed Federal Minister of Power and Steel, and for a while was also Federal Minister of Education. Imoke implemented reforms laid out in the Nigerian Power Sector Reform Act of 2005, leading to establishment of the Nigerian Energy Regulatory Commission (NERC), the Rural Electrification Agency (REA) and the unbundling of the National Electric Power Authority (NEPA).[1]
In 2008, the House of Representatives set up a panel to look into how $16 billion for the National Integrated Power Project (NIPP) was disbursed, asking for testimony by Liyel Imoke and Olusegun Agagu, who had also served as Minister of Power and Steel. The panel cleared Imoke of wrongdoing.[5] In July 2008 the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission said that Liyel Imoke was under investigation. Imoke had lost his constitutional immunity after his election as governor of Cross River state had been annulled.[6]
[edit] Governor of Cross River State
Cross River State in Nigeria
Liyel Imoke
Senator
In office
1992–1993
Federal Minister of Power and Steel
In office
July 2003 – January 2007
Governor of Cross River State
Incumbent
Assumed office
29 May 2007
Preceded by Donald Duke
Born July 10, 1961 (1961-07-10) (age 49)
In April 2007, Liyel Imoke successfully ran for governor of Cross River State on the People's Democratic Party (PDP) platform. He took office on 29 May, 2007. The election was annulled by an Election Appeal Tribunal in July 2008. He was elected again in a re-run on 23 August 2008.[7]
Contents
[hide]
* 1 Background
* 2 Early political career
* 3 Minister of Power and Steel
* 4 Governor of Cross River State
* 5 References
[edit] Background
Liyel Imoke's family was from the Babumono tribe of Abi Local Government Area of Cross River State.[2] His father, Dr. Samuel Imoke was a medical doctor who became a cabinet minister and leader of Parliament in the former Eastern Region. Liyel Imoke was born on 10 July 1961 at Ibadan in the then Western Region of Nigeria.[1]
Liyel Imoke attended Mary Knoll College, Okuku, Ogoja and then the Federal Government College, Enugu (1973–1977) for his secondary education. He obtained a Bachelor’s degree in International Relations and Economics at the University of Maryland in the United States in 1982. He then studied Law at the University of Buckingham, England, gaining an LLB degree in 1985, and then studied at the American University in Washington, D.C. where he gained a Master degree in Law. He completed his legal education at the Nigeria Law School, Lagos, in 1988.[1] Liyel Imoke practiced law in Washington, D. C. and Lagos between 1982 and 1992. He was principal partner of Liyel Imoke and Co., Lagos.[3]
[edit] Early political career
In 1992, Liyel Imoke was elected a Senator of the Federal Republic of Nigeria at the age of 30 during the Ibrahim Babangida transition government. His term ended with the dissolution of the government in November 1993 by the military regime headed by General Sani Abacha[1]
Between 1993 and 1999, he was a Managing Consultant at Telsat Communications, Lagos; Executive Chairman of Value Mart Nigeria, Lagos, and Executive Director of Trident Petroleum and Gas, Lagos.[3]
In 1999, he was appointed a Special Adviser on Public Utilities by President Olusegun Obasanjo. He was Executive Chairman of the Special Board charged with winding down the Oil Minerals Producing Areas Development Commission.[1] He was Chairman of Technical Board of the National Electric Power Authority.[4]
[edit] Minister of Power and Steel
In July 2003, Liyel Imoke was appointed Federal Minister of Power and Steel, and for a while was also Federal Minister of Education. Imoke implemented reforms laid out in the Nigerian Power Sector Reform Act of 2005, leading to establishment of the Nigerian Energy Regulatory Commission (NERC), the Rural Electrification Agency (REA) and the unbundling of the National Electric Power Authority (NEPA).[1]
In 2008, the House of Representatives set up a panel to look into how $16 billion for the National Integrated Power Project (NIPP) was disbursed, asking for testimony by Liyel Imoke and Olusegun Agagu, who had also served as Minister of Power and Steel. The panel cleared Imoke of wrongdoing.[5] In July 2008 the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission said that Liyel Imoke was under investigation. Imoke had lost his constitutional immunity after his election as governor of Cross River state had been annulled.[6]
[edit] Governor of Cross River State
Cross River State in Nigeria
Liyel Imoke
Senator
In office
1992–1993
Federal Minister of Power and Steel
In office
July 2003 – January 2007
Governor of Cross River State
Incumbent
Assumed office
29 May 2007
Preceded by Donald Duke
Born July 10, 1961 (1961-07-10) (age 49)
In April 2007, Liyel Imoke successfully ran for governor of Cross River State on the People's Democratic Party (PDP) platform. He took office on 29 May, 2007. The election was annulled by an Election Appeal Tribunal in July 2008. He was elected again in a re-run on 23 August 2008.[7]
Donald Duke
Donald Duke (born 30 September 1961 in Calabar) was the Governor of Cross River State, Nigeria from 29 May 1999 to 29 May 2007. He has been at the helm of affairs of the State since the commencement of the present democratic dispensation in Nigeria. He received LLB degree in 1982 from Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria - Nigeria, the B.L in 1983 from the Nigerian Law School, Lagos and the L.L.M. in Business Law and Admiralty in 1984 from University of Pennsylvania.[1]
Calabar (also referred to as Callabar, Calabari, Calbari, Kalabari and Kalabar)[1] is a city in Cross River State, southeastern Nigeria. The original Efik name for Calabar was Atakpa.[2] City is watered by the Calabar River and Great Qua Rivers and creeks of the Cross River (from its inland delta). Calabar is the capital of Cross River State and has an estimated population of 1.2 million residents.[citation needed]
Spearheading the incumbent debt of Nigeria, Duke pushed for democracy and against military control. He stated; "What got the military out of power was not democracy but the dreadful state of the economy. If we, the democratic government, cannot deliver food for the mass of people we can forget about democracy."[2]
Duke has been praised for his contributions to the fields of agriculture, urban development, government, environment, information and communication, investment drive, and tourism. Through his work Calabar is seen as the "cleanest city in Nigeria."[citation needed]
He created the idea of the Obudu Ranch International Mountain Race and the race grew to become one of the most lucrative mountain running competitions in the world under his stewardship.[3][4]
The BBC reported in September 2006 that Governor Duke was the only governor specifically mentioned as not being under investigation by the federal Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (Four other governors were also reported as not under investigation but their names were not released.)[5]
Donald Duke announced that he would run for president in the 2007 presidential election, but stepped aside in favour of the eventual winner, Umaru Yar'Adua.
Calabar (also referred to as Callabar, Calabari, Calbari, Kalabari and Kalabar)[1] is a city in Cross River State, southeastern Nigeria. The original Efik name for Calabar was Atakpa.[2] City is watered by the Calabar River and Great Qua Rivers and creeks of the Cross River (from its inland delta). Calabar is the capital of Cross River State and has an estimated population of 1.2 million residents.[citation needed]
Spearheading the incumbent debt of Nigeria, Duke pushed for democracy and against military control. He stated; "What got the military out of power was not democracy but the dreadful state of the economy. If we, the democratic government, cannot deliver food for the mass of people we can forget about democracy."[2]
Duke has been praised for his contributions to the fields of agriculture, urban development, government, environment, information and communication, investment drive, and tourism. Through his work Calabar is seen as the "cleanest city in Nigeria."[citation needed]
He created the idea of the Obudu Ranch International Mountain Race and the race grew to become one of the most lucrative mountain running competitions in the world under his stewardship.[3][4]
The BBC reported in September 2006 that Governor Duke was the only governor specifically mentioned as not being under investigation by the federal Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (Four other governors were also reported as not under investigation but their names were not released.)[5]
Donald Duke announced that he would run for president in the 2007 presidential election, but stepped aside in favour of the eventual winner, Umaru Yar'Adua.
PROTOCOL
News > >ADDRESS BY THE HONOURABLE CHAIRMAN, INDEPENDENT NATIONAL ELECTORAL COMMISSION (INEC) AT THE CONSULTATION BETWEEN INEC AND THE NATIONAL LEADERSHIP OF NIGERIAN POLITICAL PARTIES HELD ON TUESDAY, 21ST SEPTEMBER, 2010
PROTOCOL
It gives me immense pleasure to welcome all of us to this second interactive meeting in as many months. You would recall that during our first meeting on 18th August, 2010, I promised that as principal stakeholders in the electoral process, political parties would be regularly consulted by INEC. This meeting is meant to both fulfil that promise and to discuss some issues that are central to the success of the unfolding electoral calendar and the roles of political parties and INEC in it.
Since our last meeting, the Electoral Act 2010 has been signed into law and gazetted, which resolves one of the central impediments to our preparations for both the registration of voters and 2011 elections, as I mentioned at that meeting. On our part, we have released the election timetable and continued at breakneck speed to prepare for voter registration exercise and the elections proper. In the one month since our meeting, in addition to releasing the election timetable, we have set a clear and targeted agenda with a detailed inter-Departmental operational plan that will guide our activities up to the elections in January 2011: we are now on the verge of signing the contracts for procurement of the equipment required for the registration exercise; we have met with and received the buy-in of numerous stakeholders; we are nearing the finalization of an MOU with civil society organizations; we have commenced the recruitment of over 360,000 staff required for the voter registration, and; we have fully developed a new registration software that is completely owned by INEC, which is currently being rigorously tested.
Following the release of the election timetable, the Commission has received repeated inquiries expressing concerns about the ability of political parties to comply with the timelines of the calendar in the context of the new Electoral Act 2010. Principal among the worries is the new format for the nomination of candidates, which is much more decentralized and extended than before, thus requiring a longer timeframe to be actualized. Apart from the political parties, government officials, our development partners, the mass media and the wider public have also wondered about the ability of INEC to deliver a fresh Voters’ Register for the 2011 elections and to conduct the elections proper within the timeframe established by the Constitution and the Electoral Act 2010. Surely, INEC is not oblivious of these legitimate concerns, which reflect the collective will of Nigerians and the friends of the country to ensure that we get the next election right.
Yet, these time constraints were not unanticipated by the Commission. You may recall that in my very first Press Conference as Chairman of the Commission, I clearly stated that the two constraints facing the Commission, having decided to conduct a voter registration exercise from scratch, were time and availability of funds. I therefore alerted Nigerians that our ability to deliver a new Voters’ Register, which is the bedrock of free, fair and credible elections, depended largely on meeting certain timelines. Among these were award of contract for the acquisition of the DDC machines early in August, delivery of the first 15,000 units of the machines early in September and training of registration officers by early to middle of September. It has since become clear that we have missed some of these timelines. Fortunately, the problem of finance has now been largely solved, with the supplementary appropriation and agreement with the Federal Ministry of Finance on a schedule of releases of funds, which, I am very happy to note, the Ministry is commendably adhering to.
However, the nagging problem of time endures. It is important to put this constraint of time in perspective, considering the diverse interpretations it has received in the press over the last few weeks. The fact that we have time constraints does not mean that the tasks at hand are impossible to accomplish within the existing timeframe. Instead, what it means is that there is a very limited margin to make modifications to timelines, particularly for critical deliverables. For instance, if for any reason it would take five weeks instead of the estimated four to deliver all the DDC machines needed, that would totally put the registration exercise in jeopardy. And the more we miss the timelines, the more difficult it becomes to adjust. Still, as a Commission, we have repeatedly insisted that we shall work within the existing legal framework as contained in the 1999 Constitution, as amended, and the Electoral Act 2010. We have also consistently said that the more time we have, the better the outcome of both the registration of voters and the 2011 elections. These positions are informed by at least two considerations:
1. It is not the Constitutional responsibility of INEC to establish or change the legal framework, including timelines, for electoral activities. Consequently, to canvass the change in the legal framework or Constitutional provisions on election dates would not only be inappropriate, but could open the Commission to public suspicion, given the well known recent electoral history of Nigeria.
2. The question of fixing and changing election dates has been one of the major sore points of our electoral experience in Nigeria. The degree of partisanship that usually informs discussions of these issues is legendary. Consequently, we decided as a Commission that direct involvement in such debates could undermine the independence of INEC in the public eyes, and we deliberately chose to keep away from it.
Yet, we fully understand the position within the relevant arms of government that INEC is in the best position to indicate if it needs more time to carry out its Constitutional roles effectively. Certainly, he who wears the shoe should know exactly where it pinches and what is worth doing is, indeed, worth doing well. The foregoing aptly captures the dilemma that the Commission has been grappling with in the past few weeks namely, that while it is true that we require more time, we must consistently act within the law and also insulate the Commission from the partisan politics that is bound to trail any demand for time extension.
At a Retreat of National Commissioners and Resident Electoral Commissioners (RECs) of INEC in Calabar from September 16 – 19, 2010, these issues were exhaustively discussed, weighing all the implications for the Commission, the electoral process and the Nigerian people. The Retreat clearly noted that while the Constitution and Electoral Act must remain sacrosanct, there is no point in delivering an electoral process the outcome of which will again be controversial and incredible. At the end, it was concluded that:
Having examined the Commission’s detailed Action Plan for the voter registration and elections, the Retreat noted that the timeline for the implementation of this Plan is very tight. Consequently, the Commission shall endeavour to engage all the relevant stakeholders with a view to exploring all legal avenues for extension of the time to enable the Commission deliver on the aspirations of Nigerians for credible voters’ register and free, fair and credible elections. Should this happen, May 29 2011 inauguration date must remain sacrosanct.
There is no doubt that political parties constitute the most critical stakeholders in this regard and that is why this meeting is taking place two days after the retreat. I hope that this meeting will closely interrogate the existing situation regarding the election calendar and make recommendations to relevant bodies. I also hope that we can reach a consensus on these issues and avoid divisive positioning. We are sharing with you the detailed work plan of the Commission for the registration of voters and elections, which particularly convinced our Retreat to seek ways of extending the time available to the Commission. Our expectation is that you will profoundly critique the plan, paying necessary attention to its operability within the subsisting timeframe.
Finally, let me state clearly that the reason the Commission decided to be upfront with the Nigerian people about the Herculean challenges confronting it was an abiding commitment to ensuring their ownership of whatever the Commission is doing. We have always insisted that our actions will be transparent and that we shall always seek the understanding and support of Nigerians in difficult times. Surely, this is one of such times.
I thank you all for coming and wish us all fruitful deliberations.
Professor Attahiru M. Jega, OFR
Chairman, INEC
PROTOCOL
It gives me immense pleasure to welcome all of us to this second interactive meeting in as many months. You would recall that during our first meeting on 18th August, 2010, I promised that as principal stakeholders in the electoral process, political parties would be regularly consulted by INEC. This meeting is meant to both fulfil that promise and to discuss some issues that are central to the success of the unfolding electoral calendar and the roles of political parties and INEC in it.
Since our last meeting, the Electoral Act 2010 has been signed into law and gazetted, which resolves one of the central impediments to our preparations for both the registration of voters and 2011 elections, as I mentioned at that meeting. On our part, we have released the election timetable and continued at breakneck speed to prepare for voter registration exercise and the elections proper. In the one month since our meeting, in addition to releasing the election timetable, we have set a clear and targeted agenda with a detailed inter-Departmental operational plan that will guide our activities up to the elections in January 2011: we are now on the verge of signing the contracts for procurement of the equipment required for the registration exercise; we have met with and received the buy-in of numerous stakeholders; we are nearing the finalization of an MOU with civil society organizations; we have commenced the recruitment of over 360,000 staff required for the voter registration, and; we have fully developed a new registration software that is completely owned by INEC, which is currently being rigorously tested.
Following the release of the election timetable, the Commission has received repeated inquiries expressing concerns about the ability of political parties to comply with the timelines of the calendar in the context of the new Electoral Act 2010. Principal among the worries is the new format for the nomination of candidates, which is much more decentralized and extended than before, thus requiring a longer timeframe to be actualized. Apart from the political parties, government officials, our development partners, the mass media and the wider public have also wondered about the ability of INEC to deliver a fresh Voters’ Register for the 2011 elections and to conduct the elections proper within the timeframe established by the Constitution and the Electoral Act 2010. Surely, INEC is not oblivious of these legitimate concerns, which reflect the collective will of Nigerians and the friends of the country to ensure that we get the next election right.
Yet, these time constraints were not unanticipated by the Commission. You may recall that in my very first Press Conference as Chairman of the Commission, I clearly stated that the two constraints facing the Commission, having decided to conduct a voter registration exercise from scratch, were time and availability of funds. I therefore alerted Nigerians that our ability to deliver a new Voters’ Register, which is the bedrock of free, fair and credible elections, depended largely on meeting certain timelines. Among these were award of contract for the acquisition of the DDC machines early in August, delivery of the first 15,000 units of the machines early in September and training of registration officers by early to middle of September. It has since become clear that we have missed some of these timelines. Fortunately, the problem of finance has now been largely solved, with the supplementary appropriation and agreement with the Federal Ministry of Finance on a schedule of releases of funds, which, I am very happy to note, the Ministry is commendably adhering to.
However, the nagging problem of time endures. It is important to put this constraint of time in perspective, considering the diverse interpretations it has received in the press over the last few weeks. The fact that we have time constraints does not mean that the tasks at hand are impossible to accomplish within the existing timeframe. Instead, what it means is that there is a very limited margin to make modifications to timelines, particularly for critical deliverables. For instance, if for any reason it would take five weeks instead of the estimated four to deliver all the DDC machines needed, that would totally put the registration exercise in jeopardy. And the more we miss the timelines, the more difficult it becomes to adjust. Still, as a Commission, we have repeatedly insisted that we shall work within the existing legal framework as contained in the 1999 Constitution, as amended, and the Electoral Act 2010. We have also consistently said that the more time we have, the better the outcome of both the registration of voters and the 2011 elections. These positions are informed by at least two considerations:
1. It is not the Constitutional responsibility of INEC to establish or change the legal framework, including timelines, for electoral activities. Consequently, to canvass the change in the legal framework or Constitutional provisions on election dates would not only be inappropriate, but could open the Commission to public suspicion, given the well known recent electoral history of Nigeria.
2. The question of fixing and changing election dates has been one of the major sore points of our electoral experience in Nigeria. The degree of partisanship that usually informs discussions of these issues is legendary. Consequently, we decided as a Commission that direct involvement in such debates could undermine the independence of INEC in the public eyes, and we deliberately chose to keep away from it.
Yet, we fully understand the position within the relevant arms of government that INEC is in the best position to indicate if it needs more time to carry out its Constitutional roles effectively. Certainly, he who wears the shoe should know exactly where it pinches and what is worth doing is, indeed, worth doing well. The foregoing aptly captures the dilemma that the Commission has been grappling with in the past few weeks namely, that while it is true that we require more time, we must consistently act within the law and also insulate the Commission from the partisan politics that is bound to trail any demand for time extension.
At a Retreat of National Commissioners and Resident Electoral Commissioners (RECs) of INEC in Calabar from September 16 – 19, 2010, these issues were exhaustively discussed, weighing all the implications for the Commission, the electoral process and the Nigerian people. The Retreat clearly noted that while the Constitution and Electoral Act must remain sacrosanct, there is no point in delivering an electoral process the outcome of which will again be controversial and incredible. At the end, it was concluded that:
Having examined the Commission’s detailed Action Plan for the voter registration and elections, the Retreat noted that the timeline for the implementation of this Plan is very tight. Consequently, the Commission shall endeavour to engage all the relevant stakeholders with a view to exploring all legal avenues for extension of the time to enable the Commission deliver on the aspirations of Nigerians for credible voters’ register and free, fair and credible elections. Should this happen, May 29 2011 inauguration date must remain sacrosanct.
There is no doubt that political parties constitute the most critical stakeholders in this regard and that is why this meeting is taking place two days after the retreat. I hope that this meeting will closely interrogate the existing situation regarding the election calendar and make recommendations to relevant bodies. I also hope that we can reach a consensus on these issues and avoid divisive positioning. We are sharing with you the detailed work plan of the Commission for the registration of voters and elections, which particularly convinced our Retreat to seek ways of extending the time available to the Commission. Our expectation is that you will profoundly critique the plan, paying necessary attention to its operability within the subsisting timeframe.
Finally, let me state clearly that the reason the Commission decided to be upfront with the Nigerian people about the Herculean challenges confronting it was an abiding commitment to ensuring their ownership of whatever the Commission is doing. We have always insisted that our actions will be transparent and that we shall always seek the understanding and support of Nigerians in difficult times. Surely, this is one of such times.
I thank you all for coming and wish us all fruitful deliberations.
Professor Attahiru M. Jega, OFR
Chairman, INEC
Saturday, April 24, 2010
Telecom The GSM Association has partnered with Jordan to unveil a global education, Earthquake Hits Mexico, Kills 2 04.05.2010 At least two people in the border city of Mexicali have been reported dead and around 100 injured, while an untold number of homes, offices and hospitals are also damaged)Experts have warned of a stronger follow-up to the 7.2-magnitude earthquake that hit near the Mexico-California border, killing two people and rocking buildings from Tijuana to Los Angeles. The major earthquake jolted millions o...
Earthquake Hits Mexico, Kills 2
04.05.2010
At least two people in the border city of Mexicali have been reported dead and around 100 injured, while an untold number of homes, offices and hospitals are also damaged)Experts have warned of a stronger follow-up to the 7.2-magnitude earthquake that hit near the Mexico-California border, killing two people and rocking buildings from Tijuana to Los Angeles. The major earthquake jolted millions o...
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04.24.2010
At least two people in the border city of Mexicali have been reported dead and around 100 injured, while an untold number of homes, offices and hospitals are also damaged)Experts have warned of a stronger follow-up to the 7.2-magnitude earthquake that hit near the Mexico-California border, killing two people and rocking buildings from Tijuana to Los Angeles. The major earthquake jolted millions o...
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Telecom The GSM Association has partnered with Jordan to unveil a global education for all initiative that will help ensure that every child in the world has the opportunity to go to school by 2015. The GSMA made this known last Tuesday at the ongoing Mobile World Congress in Barcelona. It said that the Association is partnering with Queen Rania Al Abdullah of Jordan on the initiative ca...
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04.05.2010
At least two people in the border city of Mexicali have been reported dead and around 100 injured, while an untold number of homes, offices and hospitals are also damaged)Experts have warned of a stronger follow-up to the 7.2-magnitude earthquake that hit near the Mexico-California border, killing two people and rocking buildings from Tijuana to Los Angeles. The major earthquake jolted millions o...
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04.24.2010
At least two people in the border city of Mexicali have been reported dead and around 100 injured, while an untold number of homes, offices and hospitals are also damaged)Experts have warned of a stronger follow-up to the 7.2-magnitude earthquake that hit near the Mexico-California border, killing two people and rocking buildings from Tijuana to Los Angeles. The major earthquake jolted millions o...
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Telecom The GSM Association has partnered with Jordan to unveil a global education for all initiative that will help ensure that every child in the world has the opportunity to go to school by 2015. The GSMA made this known last Tuesday at the ongoing Mobile World Congress in Barcelona. It said that the Association is partnering with Queen Rania Al Abdullah of Jordan on the initiative ca...
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SEC staffers watched porn as economy crashed
April 24, 2010
SEC staffers watched porn as economy crashed
An agency report reveals that SEC employees and contractors cruised porn sites using government computers.
An agency report reveals that SEC employees and contractors cruised porn sites using government computers.
(CNN) – As the country was sinking into its worst financial crisis in more than 70 years, Security and Exchange Commission employees and contractors cruised porn sites and viewed sexually explicit pictures using government computers, according to an agency report obtained by CNN.
"During the past five years, the SEC OIG (Office of Inspector General) substantiated that 33 SEC employees and or contractors violated Commission rules and policies, as well as the government-wide Standards of Ethical Conduct, by viewing pornographic, sexually explicit or sexually suggestive images using government computer resources and official time," said a summary of the investigation by the inspector general's office.
More than half of the workers made between $99,000 and $223,000. All the cases took place over the past five years.
The inspector general's report includes specific examples of misuse by employees.
SEC staffers watched porn as economy crashed
An agency report reveals that SEC employees and contractors cruised porn sites using government computers.
An agency report reveals that SEC employees and contractors cruised porn sites using government computers.
(CNN) – As the country was sinking into its worst financial crisis in more than 70 years, Security and Exchange Commission employees and contractors cruised porn sites and viewed sexually explicit pictures using government computers, according to an agency report obtained by CNN.
"During the past five years, the SEC OIG (Office of Inspector General) substantiated that 33 SEC employees and or contractors violated Commission rules and policies, as well as the government-wide Standards of Ethical Conduct, by viewing pornographic, sexually explicit or sexually suggestive images using government computer resources and official time," said a summary of the investigation by the inspector general's office.
More than half of the workers made between $99,000 and $223,000. All the cases took place over the past five years.
The inspector general's report includes specific examples of misuse by employees.
‘Jonathan Has Rights to Contest in 2011’
‘Jonathan Has Rights to Contest in 2011’
Former National Legal Adviser of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Hon. Mark Jacobs, in this interview with Davidson Iriekpen, speaks on the controversy surrounding the Sokoto State governorship election petition before the Supreme Court. The former Attorney-General and Commissioner for Justice in Kaduna State also comments on the build up to the next year’s general election
The Court of Appeal in Sokoto had fixed a date for judgment in the Sokoto State governorship election petition case, but the Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN) intervened and halted the judgment . What are the implications of this action?
First, I want us to look at the background.
That case had a lot of controversies surrounding it, accusations and counter-accusations. The regulations and the rules of the court give the CJN supervisory powers over the courts. He is the chief law officer as far as the Judiciary is concerned so, he has powers to intervene in serious situations like that of Sokoto State in order to maintain the sanctity and integrity of the judicial arm of government. The Sokoto matter as I said earlier, has been trailed by a lot of controversies.
I know that there were a lot of petitions and accusations against the judicial officers in the Court of Appeal in Sokoto. What transpired was an allegation that even the judgment that was to be delivered had been exposed. People already had knowledge of the judgment and that is not good for the judiciary.
So, the action of the CJN was in order, to arrest a situation where the judiciary would be bastardized and the sanctity of the system insulted. Of course it may be possible that we have not seen the outward display of these powers because we have not seen a situation in the past where a judgment is arrested. But I know that the Supreme Court and even the Court of Appeal had exercised such powers of control over the lower courts but they were not publicized as in this case.
They did not receive this kind of attention as they were not high profile cases as this one. But the most reasonable thing to do was done by the CJN, in the face of all the accusations. Suspend or arrest the judgment and probably conduct investigations. I am sure the matter will eventually be sorted out.
But don’t you think the arrest of the judgment was hasty as these were mere allegations?
The allegations may look mere but no matter how small a suspicion may be, it deserves investigation. This high profile matter that has received so much public attention and subjected to a lot of commentaries and interpretations in the media. That is why it became necessary to arrest the situation, so that decency and fair play will be seen to have been upheld.
At that stage of the intervention by the CJN, if nothing had been done, I assure you that whatever judgment the Court of Appeal might have delivered would have been further subject of controversy and criticisms which could impugn the integrity of the judiciary and the presiding judge in the country has a duty to protect the integrity of the judiciary.
How do you react to insinuations that the PDP has a hand in the controversies and that perhaps the party is afraid of losing Sokoto State?
Why should the PDP be afraid of losing Sokoto State? It goes beyond that. What baffles me in this country is the over-glamorization of the PDP. Everything that happens, people are quick to say it is the PDP. Even when we lose a football match, people say it is the PDP. I sincerely do not think that the PDP has that kind of control. And, mind you, the CJN is not a member of the PDP. So, I do not see how the PDP can be said to be responsible for such action.
If you look at cases of judiciary interpretations in this country, PDP has lost more than any other political party in the present dispensation. I am not aware of any governor from another party that lost his seat to the PDP. But the PDP lost in Edo state. If the PDP is so powerful, it would not have allowed the Court of Appeal to take away its victory in Edo state or go to Ondo state and hand it over to the Labour Party. It would not have happened.
I am not sure that the PDP we have today is that powerful to control not just the political turf, but to also go into the Judiciary and exercise control. That is not a realistic assessment of the situation.
What are your views on the controversy surrounding President Umaru Ya’Adua’s continue absence from the public?
This country is a very wonderful place. For me, it is the best country in the world. There are so many things that happen here which cannot happen in any other place. With due respect to those who were chosen to see him, I do not see what advantage or what value it has added to the national debate. What is unfortunate is that the selected individuals who have seen him have no roles in the Constitution as far as the present situation is concerned. If they went there to pray for him, fine.
Otherwise, they have no roles whatsoever if the issue is to be tabled before a legally constituted body. So, I do not see what values the visits have added rather they have raised another angle of controversy. Their visits have heightened the apprehensions, the tension and the allegations. If I were the President, except you are coming to pray for me, I do not need such personalities to contribute to the national discourse that is going on.
But some people are calling for the impeachment of the President. What is your opinion?
Of course, there have been agitations long before now to impeach the President, section 145, 146 and all that. But the fact remains that Nigeria and Nigerians have to define where we want to go. Nigerians, particularly those in control of the power, we need to sit down and chart a course for the democratic journey.
They have a duty and the responsibility to chart a course. Nobody can do it beside them and that is where the National Assembly comes in and the new ministers too.
Nigerians were told that the president was recuperating when he returned from Saudi Arabia. Is there no time frame in the Constitution for an individual to recuperate?
No. Sickness has no time limit, so, you cannot put any time limit for recuperation. But as I said, the people saddled with the responsibility to run this country have the responsibility to chart a course. They should not be found guilty of failing to take certain decisions. It is better to take the wrong decision instead of not taking any decisions at all on issues.
You mean the PDP?
Yes, the PDP is in the majority in the National Assembly and is in control in most of the states. The party has a duty to chart this course. The National Working Committee of the PDP led by Ogbulafor has a duty to provide leadership for all its members to follow. The National Chairman of the PDP and his team cannot be followers in this matter. They have to be leaders and this acid test of their leadership. They must provide the road map for all members of the party.
The PDP has barred Acting president Goodluck Jonathan from contesting the presidency in 2011. Does that constitute an infringement on his fundamental rights?
I am an outsider when it comes to decisions taken by the National Working Committee but we also need to understand what a right is. Is it an equitable right or is a right that is enforceable. A right is something that is yours and you can enforce it. In determining whether the Acting President can contest, it has to be determined whether it is a right to contest or we should say that he should be allowed to participate in the process. He has a right to aspire and I do not think anybody should take that away from him. It is a relative matter whether he has the right.
Does he have the right to say he must contest under the ticket of the PDP? These are issues that require more discussions and political permutations because in the PDP and in the other political parties, there are several factors that determine the emergence of a candidate. He has to go through those factors and get the ticket if he wants to contest. But the Acting President has not commented on the issue. So, we wait until he bares his mind on the matter and say that he wants to contest or that he has been denied the right to contest.
Former President Ibrahim Babangida has formally declared his intention to contest in the 2011 presidential race. What do you think?
The right of participation cannot be denied anybody particularly in the face of the Constitution. The former head of state is a Nigerian and he has the right to vie for the position of the President.
The Acting president is a Nigerian and he has the right to contest. Gen. Muhammadu Buhari has the right to participate in the process but there are factors that must be taken into consideration. Atiku is coming back to the PDP and he has the right to aspire to contest. Certainly, there are many more aspirants that will come up but before you become a candidate, it is a different ball game and this will be determined by members of the PDP who will decide who they want to present as the flag bearer. There are several factors, sectional religious and the Nigerian factors. All these factors will have to be considered. There are also issues of zoning and running mate, which will come to the front burner.
Sokoto Guber: Anxiety as Supreme Court Commences Hearin
Supreme Court will on Monday commence hearing on the appeal filed by Governor Aliyu Magatarkada Wamakko of Sokoto State, challenging the decision of the Court of Appeal in Sokoto to deliver judgement on the petition against his election despite the directive of the National Judicial Council (NJC) halting the judgement pending the determination of his petition before the council, writes David...
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Former National Legal Adviser of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Hon. Mark Jacobs, in this interview with Davidson Iriekpen, speaks on the controversy surrounding the Sokoto State governorship election petition before the Supreme Court. The former Attorney-General and Commissioner for Justice in Kaduna State also comments on the build up to the next year’s general election
The Court of Appeal in Sokoto had fixed a date for judgment in the Sokoto State governorship election petition case, but the Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN) intervened and halted the judgment . What are the implications of this action?
First, I want us to look at the background.
That case had a lot of controversies surrounding it, accusations and counter-accusations. The regulations and the rules of the court give the CJN supervisory powers over the courts. He is the chief law officer as far as the Judiciary is concerned so, he has powers to intervene in serious situations like that of Sokoto State in order to maintain the sanctity and integrity of the judicial arm of government. The Sokoto matter as I said earlier, has been trailed by a lot of controversies.
I know that there were a lot of petitions and accusations against the judicial officers in the Court of Appeal in Sokoto. What transpired was an allegation that even the judgment that was to be delivered had been exposed. People already had knowledge of the judgment and that is not good for the judiciary.
So, the action of the CJN was in order, to arrest a situation where the judiciary would be bastardized and the sanctity of the system insulted. Of course it may be possible that we have not seen the outward display of these powers because we have not seen a situation in the past where a judgment is arrested. But I know that the Supreme Court and even the Court of Appeal had exercised such powers of control over the lower courts but they were not publicized as in this case.
They did not receive this kind of attention as they were not high profile cases as this one. But the most reasonable thing to do was done by the CJN, in the face of all the accusations. Suspend or arrest the judgment and probably conduct investigations. I am sure the matter will eventually be sorted out.
But don’t you think the arrest of the judgment was hasty as these were mere allegations?
The allegations may look mere but no matter how small a suspicion may be, it deserves investigation. This high profile matter that has received so much public attention and subjected to a lot of commentaries and interpretations in the media. That is why it became necessary to arrest the situation, so that decency and fair play will be seen to have been upheld.
At that stage of the intervention by the CJN, if nothing had been done, I assure you that whatever judgment the Court of Appeal might have delivered would have been further subject of controversy and criticisms which could impugn the integrity of the judiciary and the presiding judge in the country has a duty to protect the integrity of the judiciary.
How do you react to insinuations that the PDP has a hand in the controversies and that perhaps the party is afraid of losing Sokoto State?
Why should the PDP be afraid of losing Sokoto State? It goes beyond that. What baffles me in this country is the over-glamorization of the PDP. Everything that happens, people are quick to say it is the PDP. Even when we lose a football match, people say it is the PDP. I sincerely do not think that the PDP has that kind of control. And, mind you, the CJN is not a member of the PDP. So, I do not see how the PDP can be said to be responsible for such action.
If you look at cases of judiciary interpretations in this country, PDP has lost more than any other political party in the present dispensation. I am not aware of any governor from another party that lost his seat to the PDP. But the PDP lost in Edo state. If the PDP is so powerful, it would not have allowed the Court of Appeal to take away its victory in Edo state or go to Ondo state and hand it over to the Labour Party. It would not have happened.
I am not sure that the PDP we have today is that powerful to control not just the political turf, but to also go into the Judiciary and exercise control. That is not a realistic assessment of the situation.
What are your views on the controversy surrounding President Umaru Ya’Adua’s continue absence from the public?
This country is a very wonderful place. For me, it is the best country in the world. There are so many things that happen here which cannot happen in any other place. With due respect to those who were chosen to see him, I do not see what advantage or what value it has added to the national debate. What is unfortunate is that the selected individuals who have seen him have no roles in the Constitution as far as the present situation is concerned. If they went there to pray for him, fine.
Otherwise, they have no roles whatsoever if the issue is to be tabled before a legally constituted body. So, I do not see what values the visits have added rather they have raised another angle of controversy. Their visits have heightened the apprehensions, the tension and the allegations. If I were the President, except you are coming to pray for me, I do not need such personalities to contribute to the national discourse that is going on.
But some people are calling for the impeachment of the President. What is your opinion?
Of course, there have been agitations long before now to impeach the President, section 145, 146 and all that. But the fact remains that Nigeria and Nigerians have to define where we want to go. Nigerians, particularly those in control of the power, we need to sit down and chart a course for the democratic journey.
They have a duty and the responsibility to chart a course. Nobody can do it beside them and that is where the National Assembly comes in and the new ministers too.
Nigerians were told that the president was recuperating when he returned from Saudi Arabia. Is there no time frame in the Constitution for an individual to recuperate?
No. Sickness has no time limit, so, you cannot put any time limit for recuperation. But as I said, the people saddled with the responsibility to run this country have the responsibility to chart a course. They should not be found guilty of failing to take certain decisions. It is better to take the wrong decision instead of not taking any decisions at all on issues.
You mean the PDP?
Yes, the PDP is in the majority in the National Assembly and is in control in most of the states. The party has a duty to chart this course. The National Working Committee of the PDP led by Ogbulafor has a duty to provide leadership for all its members to follow. The National Chairman of the PDP and his team cannot be followers in this matter. They have to be leaders and this acid test of their leadership. They must provide the road map for all members of the party.
The PDP has barred Acting president Goodluck Jonathan from contesting the presidency in 2011. Does that constitute an infringement on his fundamental rights?
I am an outsider when it comes to decisions taken by the National Working Committee but we also need to understand what a right is. Is it an equitable right or is a right that is enforceable. A right is something that is yours and you can enforce it. In determining whether the Acting President can contest, it has to be determined whether it is a right to contest or we should say that he should be allowed to participate in the process. He has a right to aspire and I do not think anybody should take that away from him. It is a relative matter whether he has the right.
Does he have the right to say he must contest under the ticket of the PDP? These are issues that require more discussions and political permutations because in the PDP and in the other political parties, there are several factors that determine the emergence of a candidate. He has to go through those factors and get the ticket if he wants to contest. But the Acting President has not commented on the issue. So, we wait until he bares his mind on the matter and say that he wants to contest or that he has been denied the right to contest.
Former President Ibrahim Babangida has formally declared his intention to contest in the 2011 presidential race. What do you think?
The right of participation cannot be denied anybody particularly in the face of the Constitution. The former head of state is a Nigerian and he has the right to vie for the position of the President.
The Acting president is a Nigerian and he has the right to contest. Gen. Muhammadu Buhari has the right to participate in the process but there are factors that must be taken into consideration. Atiku is coming back to the PDP and he has the right to aspire to contest. Certainly, there are many more aspirants that will come up but before you become a candidate, it is a different ball game and this will be determined by members of the PDP who will decide who they want to present as the flag bearer. There are several factors, sectional religious and the Nigerian factors. All these factors will have to be considered. There are also issues of zoning and running mate, which will come to the front burner.
Sokoto Guber: Anxiety as Supreme Court Commences Hearin
Supreme Court will on Monday commence hearing on the appeal filed by Governor Aliyu Magatarkada Wamakko of Sokoto State, challenging the decision of the Court of Appeal in Sokoto to deliver judgement on the petition against his election despite the directive of the National Judicial Council (NJC) halting the judgement pending the determination of his petition before the council, writes David...
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12.31.2009 19:05
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12.31.2009 19:00
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